At the outset it must be remembered that there were two great parties at the time of the adoption of the Constitution -- one laying emphasis on strength and efficiency in government and the other on its popular aspects.
Madison argued in a philosophic vein in support of the proposition that it was necessary to base the political system on the actual conditions of "natural inequality.
Furthermore, it will be remembered that up to that time the right of all men, as men, to share in the government had never been recognized in practice. After the new Constitution was published and transmitted to the states, there began a long and bitter fight over ratification.
They were not, generally speaking, men of large property interests or of much practical business experience.
It is small wonder, therefore, that, under the circumstances, many members of that august body held popular government in slight esteem and took the people into consideration only as far as it was imperative "to inspire them with the necessary confidence," as Mr.
The Declaration of Independence, the first state Constitutions, and the Articles of Confederation bore the impress of this philosophy. The currency of the states and the nation was hopelessly muddled.
There were seven Articles established in the Constitution of the United States. Shortly afterwardGovernor Bowdoin, of Massachusetts, suggested to his state legislature the advisability of calling a national assembly to settle upon and define the powers of Congress; and the legislature resolved that the government under the Articles of Confederation was inadequate and should be reformed; but the resolution was never laid before Congress.
When this convention assembled indelegates from only five states were present, and they were disheartened at the limitations on their powers and the lack of interest the other states had shown in the project. The Congress of the Confederation was not long in discovering the true character of the futile authority which the Articles had conferred upon it.
By no means all of them, in fact, had even resisted the policy of the mother country, for within the ranks of the conservatives were large numbers of Loyalists who had remained in America, and, as was to have been expected, cherished a bitter feeling against the Revolutionists, especially the radical section which had been boldest in denouncing the English system root and branch.
These were men trained in the law, versed in finance, skilled in administration, and learned in the political philosophy of their own and earlier times. The government insisted that people pay their taxes in hard money rather than in goods or paper currency made a bad situation worse Kaufman.
Owing its ratification to the law of a state, it has been contended that the same authority might repeal the law by which it was ratified. The conservative interests, made desperate by the imbecilities of the Confederation and harried by state legislatures, roused themselves from the lethargy, drew together in a mighty effort to establish a government that would be strong enough to pay the national debt, regulate interstate and foreign commerce, provide for national defense, prevent fluctuations in the currency created by paper emissions, and control the propensities of legislative majorities to attack private rights The Beards announced that the Civil War was really a "social cataclysm in which the capitalists, laborers, and farmers of the North and West drove from power in the national government the planting aristocracy of the South".
Naturally, a landed qualification was suggested, but for obvious reasons it was rejected. It merely laid the finished instrument before the Confederate Congress with the suggestion that it should be submitted to "a convention of delegates chosen in each state by the people thereof, under the recommendation of its legislature, for them assent and ratification; and each convention assenting thereto and ratifying the same should give notice thereof to the United States in Congress assembled.
Accordingly, no general reconstruction of the political system was suggested; the Articles of Confederation were merely to be "revised"; and the amendments were to be approved by the state legislatures as provided by that instrument.
Delaware, however, went so far as to provide that none of the proposed alterations should extend to the fifth part of the Articles of Confederation guaranteeing that each state should be entitled to one vote.
Shortly afterwardGovernor Bowdoin, of Massachusetts, suggested to his state legislature the advisability of calling a national assembly to settle upon and define the powers of Congress; and the legislature resolved that the government under the Articles of Confederation was inadequate and should be reformed; but the resolution was never laid before Congress.
The streams of national power ought to flow immediately from that pure original foundation of all legitimate authority. In addition to teaching he coached the debate team and wrote about public affairs, especially municipal reform.
In pursuance of this call, delegates to the new convention were chosen by the legislatures of the states or by the governors in conformity to authority conferred by the legislative assemblies. The two Morrises had distinguished themselves in grappling with financial questions as trying and perplexing as any which statesmen had ever been compelled to face.
He doubtless believed that a complete revolution in the old system was desirable, but he knew that, in the existing state of popular temper, it was not expedient to announce his complete program.
The underlying purposes of the Constitution, therefore, are to be revealed only by a study of the conditions and events which led to formation and adoption. Beginning abouthowever, historians started to argue that the progressive interpretation was factually incorrect because it was not true that the voters were polarized along two economic lines.
Louis, Caltech, Vanderbilt and the ingestion of carbohydrates London et al. The chief reason for resorting to ratifications by conventions is laid down by Hamilton in Federalist They ignored constitutional issues of states rights and even ignored American nationalism as the force that finally led to victory in the war.
Beard attended DePauw Universitya nearby Methodist college, graduating in Within a few weeks, the nationalist party in Virginia and New York succeeded in winning these two states, and in spite of the fact that North Carolina and Rhode Island had not yet ratified the Constitution, Congress determined to put the instrument into effect in accordance with the recommendations of the convention.
Through this, social classes had to come up resulting from ownership of property as a way of qualifying to vote. Again, an alternative of land or personal property, high enough to afford safeguards to large interests, would doubtless bring about the rejection of the whole Constitution by the troublemaking farmers who had to pass upon the question of ratification.
However gross a heresy it may be to maintain that a party to a compact has a right to revoke that compact, the doctrine itself has respectable advocates. Conservatives, such as William Howard Taft, were shocked at the Progressive interpretation because it seemed to belittle the Constitution.
Recently, in To Form a More Perfect Union: A New Economic Interpretation of the United States Constitution (), Robert A. McGuire, relying on a sophisticated statistical analysis, argues that Beard's basic thesis regarding the impact of economic interests in the making of the Constitution is not off the mark.
Aug 11, · Beard expanded upon Becker's thesis, in terms of class conflict, in An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States () and An Economic Interpretation of Jeffersonian Democracy ().Status: Resolved. One of the chief reasons for calling the convention and framing the Constitution was to promote commerce and industry and to protect personal property against the.
Keywords United States, New York, Everyday life, United States Constitution, Constitution 0 Like 0 Tweet Beard thought that the constitution was just a document written by the rich, whose only motive was protecting their wealth and property/5(2).
Beard was expanding on Carl L. Becker’s thesis of class conflict. In the eyes of Beard, the Constitution was created by the Founding Fathers as a “counter revolution” that ran against the wishes of farmers and laborers. Framing the Constitution by Charles A.
Beard In Charles A. Beard’s article. Charles A. Beard in An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States () and Economic Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy () extended Becker's thesis down to s it was generally accepted within the historical profession that [ ] Beard’s Progressive version of the [ ] framing of the Constitution had been.Framing the constitution thesis